Hungarian Church-State Relationships [antikvár]

IntroductionIn his May 27, 2002, inauguration speech. Prime Minister Péter Medgyessy, ahas secret agent D 209 of the former Hungarian Communist regime, outlined his plans for the next four years. Throughout his speech, he extolled the virtues of a united country where the social divisions - the two very polarized camps within Hungarian society - would reconcile. Moreover, he envisioned a nation in which students studied peacefully in schools, employees did their jobs at workplaces, believers prayed at the churches, citizens use the streets only for traffic and transportation, and political discussion would take place in the parliament.' By referring to streets and churches in his vision for Hungary's future, he implicitly lamented over both the political opposition's threat to "do politics in the street" - as it became quickly a reality," - and from his point of view, the 'unpleasant fact' that faithful had moved beyond their acceptable purview of prayer by occasionally helping to organize political rallies.Religion is unquestionably a decisive factor in Hungarian political sphere, especially in its polarized aspects. At the threshold of Hungary's entrance into the European Union, this fact deserves weighty consideration. Attention should be paid both to the social tensions originating from or created by the different interests of religious institutions and the state and also to the possible cooperation of various churches and the government in order to smooth or solve certain tensions. Hungary can, and actually does provide examples for both, which will also affect the European Union. The primary goal of this socio-historical analysis is to provide a thorough account of Hungarian church-state relations^, in order to see their possible influences for the future.The entanglement of church and state is not uncommon in Europe. Even in the early 1980s, there were eleven countries with official religion in the so-called Western half of Europe'^, arguably the most secular corner of the world. While Hungary does not have an officially established church, a demonstration of the intertwining of church and state will hardly come across as sensational discovery. The proposition, however, that these two institutions ''needed each other" even during the Communist era demands a comprehensive explanation to sociologists and other concerned scholars. Thus, one of the' C.f. the May 28 issue of Népsz.abadscig, the political daily of the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP)." On July 4, 2002, a handful of demonstrators blocked the traffic on Erzsébet bridge between the two parts of the capital, Buda and Pest. The demonstrators demanded the recount of votes of the parliamentary elections.The investigation of church and slate in a particular society is important because it directs our "attention to a range of larger cultural issues from which our attention Iwould otherwise strayl" (Dcmerath and Williams 1984 : 10). It is also important because the building of a comprehensive model of church-state relations requires a "series of preliminary studies based on thorough research into each individual case" (Laszio 1973 : 16). As it becomes evident in the next chapter, I am aware of the many issues complicating the creation of such a model. Nevertheless, the present work intends to be such a "preliminary study" that will contribute to the building of a comprehensive model ifit becomes possible in the future.In Andorra, Great Britain, Denmark, Finland, Greece, Iceland, Liechtenstein. Malta. Monaco. Norway, Scotland, and Sweden (Tomka 1992 : 131). See also Table 8. for a list of countries "with official religion" or "with religions in special status" in 1999.