Politics in Austria: Still a Case of Consociationalism? [antikvár]

Consociationalism and the Austrian Political System KURT RICHARD LUTHER AND WOLFGANG C. MÜLLER THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ORIGINS OF MODERN AUSTRIAN POLITICS The origins of modern Austrian politics can be traced back to the decades following the unsuccessful bourgeois revolution of 1848, during the initial years of which the Habsburgs stoutly resisted all pressure on them to grant serious constitutional reform. It was not until the 1860s that they were finally obliged to agree to even modest liberal constitutional reforms, which were introduced by means of the 'Oktober Diplom' of 1860, the 'Februar Patent' of 1861, but above all through the so-called 'December Constitution' of 1867.' In 1867 Austria also embarked on an experiment to apply liberal principles to its economy. However, this venture lasted only until May 1873, when the Vienna stock exchange collapsed as a result of excessive speculative activity. This not only signalled the end of Austria's first venture in laissez-faire economics, but was instrumental in permanently discrediting economic liberalism in the eyes of the overwhelming majority of Austrians.^ Their negative evaluation of laissez-faire economics was strengthened by the economic crises of the First Republic and helps to explain the weakness of economic liberalism in Austria since. The more immediate, but no less significant, impact of Austria's failed experiment with laissez-faire and the intra-parliamentary groups' lack of democratic legitimacy was the development of three main extra-parliamentary political groupings, which began to crystallise around more-or-less distinct political subcultures or Lager? Austria's rural peasantry and its petite-bourgeoisie formed the backbone of the Catholic-conservative Lager, which found its political expression in the Christian-Social Party. The second major subculture drew its support predominantly from the emerging urban proletariat, but also included amongst its leading personalities disproportionately large elements of the assimilated Jewish and secular intelligentsia. It was headed by the anti-clerical Social Democratic Workers' Party (SDAP).' Both Lager controlled extensive networks of auxiliary associations, ranging from interest groupings to sporting and cultural associations, which together served to ensure not only that rival Lager members were characterised by their mutually exclusive and