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Introduction
On 21 May 1683 the Duke of York (later King James
II) and his Duchess, accompanied by the Lady Anne
(later Queen Anne), inaugurated the freshly installed
Ashmolean Museum on Broad Street in its newly
completed building next to the Sheldonian Theatre.
They inspected the 'rarefies', partook of a sumptuous
banquet, and then were shown (downstairs in the
'Elaboratoiy') 'some experiments to their great satis-
faction1. Three days later, on 24 May, there was an
open day for all doctors and masters of the University;
some came, some did not. Some, according to
Anthony Wood, antiquarian and historian of the
University, were delighted. Others were not
('baubles'). From Christ Church, according again to
Anthony Wood, there came no one at all.
The foundation was not greeted with undue
reverence in all quarters. Oxford does not always
welcome the new with enthusiasm, even when, as in
the nature of museums, the new includes rich repre-
sentation of^the old. Since 1683, the fortunes of the
Ashmolean have waxed and waned and waxed again.
The founding collections, which Elias Ashmole
[frontispiece) had promised by gift to the University of
Oxford in 1677, and which were supplemented in his
bequest of 1692, consisted predominantly of those
'rareties' that the royal gardeners, the Tradescants,
John I and John II (overleaf) had accumulated in the
first half of the seventeenth century. For that collec-
tion, Ashmole and Dr Wharton had compiled the first
museum catalogue to appear in Britain, the Musaeum
Tradescantium, published in 1656. In 1659, three years
before his death, John Tradescant II made the collec-
tion over to Ashmole by deed of gift. The former, with
no surviving male heir, had been concerned, but
uncertain, about the future of the family collections;
one of his ideas had been that it might go to Oxford or
Cambridge. Ashmole had become a member of
Brasenose while in Oxford during the Civil War, and
it was to Oxford that the collections came.
Ashmole's views as to the role that his museum
should play are recorded in some detail, though not
all his ideas were to be realised. His Tradescant cata-
logue records a collection that may seem entirely in
the tradition of the old 'Wunderkammer', those mis-
cellanies of 'rareties' that princes and some learned
men all over Europe were prone to accumulate during
the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries - the
spoil of voyages over an expanding globe no less than
of human ingenuity and art; exotic natural curiosities,
freaks, relics. It includes a dodo, shells, precious
stones, weapons, shoes, Chinese lanterns, red Indian
hunting shirts, fish, coins and medals. Yet the cata-
logue is set out according to a scheme of classification;
even if rudimentary, it does herald those processes of
intellectual and scientific ordering that were to lead to
the catalogues of modern museums, to storage of
information in computers.
Later on, when Ashmole was brooding on the ways
in which he would expect his museum to be developed
by his University and drafted its 'Statutes, Orders
and Rules' (1686), his concerns were very much in
key with those of that new body of scientists, the
Royal Society, of which he was indeed a very early
member. C.H. Josten has noted his 'zeal for the pro-
motion of the natural sciences . . . also his appreci-
ation of the importance of factual, as opposed to
speculative, research'. He insisted on the need for 'the
inspection of Particulars, especially those as are
extraordinary in their Fabrick, or usefull in Medicine,
or applyed to Manufacture or Trade'. This last con-
cern, for the service a museum might offer to 'Manu-
facture or Trade', almost anticipates the aims of the
South Kensington Museum following on the didactic
and improving aims of Albert, Prince Consort.
In fact, the 'elaboratory' in the lowest floor of the
Ashmolean, where the Duke of York had viewed
'experiments' with such satisfaction, was to be the
focus for much of the study of natural sciences in
Oxford throughout the eighteenth century and
beyond. The collections, however, declined rather
than flourished. Ashmole had been aware of con-
servation problems, of the inevitable decay of organic
specimens, but his stipulation that if a specimen had
to be destroyed, a drawing should always be made of
it first, was unfortunately not acted upon. A very
great deal was lost, the most celebrated item being the
remains of that bird described in the 1656 catalogue
as 'Dodar, from the Island Mauritius; it is not able to
flie being so big' - diagnosed as noisome and con-
demned, though its dessicated beak and other frag-
ments still survive, now in the University Museum.
Nevertheless, the Ashmolean as Museum was far
from forgotten. The standards of its curatorial prac-
tice may have been recorded by various visitors as (to